Taipei – A gathering of Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) legislators and supporters on Ketagalan Boulevard this past Sunday, ostensibly to rally behind former Taipei mayor Ko Wen-je, took on a layer of unintended irony. Ko, recently sentenced to 17 years in prison on corruption charges, received the support on a date steeped in the KMT’s own revolutionary history: March 29th. This date, designated by the KMT as Youth Day, commemorates the “72 martyrs” of the Second Guangzhou Uprising of 1911, a pivotal moment in the struggle to overthrow the Qing Dynasty. But the choice of date, and the context of the rally, has sparked a renewed debate about the KMT’s legacy and whether the party has truly lived up to the ideals of the revolutionaries it claims to honor.
The selection of March 29th isn’t accidental. It’s a date the KMT has long associated with sacrifice and the pursuit of a new China. However, the date itself is a misinterpretation, stemming from a conversion from the original lunar calendar date when the uprising occurred and more than 72 people lost their lives. The broader context of the Hsinhai Revolution, of which the Guangzhou Uprising was a part, wasn’t simply about toppling the Manchu rulers; it was fundamentally a rejection of the systemic corruption that had festered within the Qing government for decades. This historical moment, encompassing events like the First Guangzhou Uprising in 1895 and the Wuchang Uprising in October 1911, represented a yearning for a just and accountable government.
From Revolution to Allegations of Corruption
The irony, as critics point out, lies in the KMT’s own subsequent history. While the party initially spearheaded the movement to establish the Republic of China (ROC), it later became associated with authoritarian rule, the suppression of dissent, and, increasingly, allegations of corruption. The rally in support of Ko Wen-je, convicted on charges related to a development project during his time as mayor, underscores this disconnect. The conviction, reported by the Taipei Times, centers around accusations of impropriety in the Taipei Fun Wharf project.
Many within Taiwan, and observers of Taiwanese politics, argue that the spirit of those early revolutionaries – figures like Lu Hao-tung, Lin Jue-min, Fang Sheng-tung, Chiu Chin, Huang Hsing, and Sung Chiao-jen – would be deeply troubled by the KMT’s current trajectory. These individuals, who risked everything to fight against injustice and tyranny, are remembered for their unwavering commitment to integrity and good governance. Lu Hao-tung, for example, was executed after the First Guangzhou Uprising, and during his interrogation, he vehemently denounced the “corruption and despotism of the Manchu government and the incompetence and cowardice of its officials.” Lin Jue-min, a young philosophy student, penned a poignant farewell letter to his wife before his execution following the Second Guangzhou Uprising, stating his willingness to sacrifice his life and happiness for “the eternal welfare of all people.”
A Legacy of Idealism and Disappointment
The ideals of these early revolutionaries resonated with Taiwanese intellectuals and activists throughout the 20th century. Lai Ho, considered the father of Taiwanese literature, wrote of the importance of a “warrior fighting for justice,” while Lin Chiu-wu, a Buddhist monk and social activist, emphasized the need to stand with the vulnerable against the powerful. These sentiments reflect a deep-seated desire for a society built on fairness and compassion.
However, the KMT that emerged as a dominant force in Taiwan after 1949 often fell short of these ideals. Critics point to instances of asset seizure, political repression, and widespread corruption as evidence of a betrayal of the original revolutionary spirit. Recent cases involving former Executive Yuan secretary general Lin Yi-shih, convicted of accepting bribes, and caucus whip Fu Kun-chi, facing graft allegations, have further fueled these concerns. The sheer number of KMT officials implicated in corruption scandals over the past two decades, as highlighted by numerous reports in Taiwanese media, paints a troubling picture.
The Tongmenghui’s Promise and the KMT’s Reality
The Tongmenghui, the revolutionary alliance that preceded the KMT, initially embodied the promise of a new China free from corruption and oppression. But the KMT that ultimately rose to power, some argue, became increasingly detached from those original principles. The contrast between the selfless dedication of revolutionaries like Lu Hao-tung and Lin Jue-min, who willingly sacrificed their lives for a better future, and the alleged self-serving actions of some KMT officials is stark.
The decision to hold a rally in support of a convicted official on a day meant to honor those who fought against corruption is, for many, a symbolic representation of this disconnect. It raises fundamental questions about the KMT’s commitment to the values it once espoused and its ability to truly represent the aspirations of the Taiwanese people. The question now is whether the KMT can reconcile its historical legacy with its present actions and regain the trust of a public increasingly skeptical of its motives.
The KMT faces a crucial test in the upcoming legislative elections and presidential race. The party’s ability to address concerns about corruption and demonstrate a genuine commitment to good governance will be critical in determining its future. The next significant event will be the KMT’s internal review of its candidate selection process, scheduled for early May, as reported by Focus Taiwan. This review will be closely watched as a potential indicator of the party’s willingness to address the issues that have eroded public trust.
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